Many Iranian families relocated to the Caspian Sea coast in Sorkhrud, in Iran's northern Mazandaran Province, due to the war with the United States and Israel.

US Seeks To Disrupt Iran's Supply Networks Beyond Naval Blockade

14 Nov 2026, 12:11 by Farangis Najibullah and , RFE/RL's Radio Farda · Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty · Join

The US military is expanding its efforts to disrupt Iran's supply networks beyond the naval blockade of its ports, turning its attention to the country's land borders and the Caspian Sea.

On November 7, the US Central Command (CENTCOM) announced the creation of Task Force Iron Gate, an internal team of approximately 20 civilian and military personnel based in Tampa, Florida.

It will coordinate with other US government agencies to prevent Iran from using its land borders and the Caspian Sea to transport advanced weapons systems, dual-use technologies, sanctioned materials, and what Washington describes as illegal revenue streams, according to the CENTCOM statement.

The task force is intended to reinforce a US naval blockade of Iranian ports that CENTCOM estimates has prevented Iran from exporting more than $25 billion worth of crude oil.

The move comes as Iran continues to obtain military-related equipment despite Western sanctions.

A recent Reuters investigation found that Iran used a network of military-linked agencies to import at least $2 billion in hardware, explosives, and heavy-duty trucks between January 2025 and June 2026, bringing in goods on cargo ships crossing the Caspian from Russia, trucks from Central Asia, and freight aircraft from China.

Analysts who spoke to RFE/RL say Task Force Iron Gate could improve intelligence-sharing and help identify companies and intermediaries involved in Iran's procurement networks.

But they question whether the initiative can significantly restrict the movement of goods without cooperation from regional governments.

Intelligence, Not Air Strikes

Farzin Nadimi, a senior fellow with The Washington Institute, said the task force appears designed to bring together US agencies already monitoring sanctions and collecting intelligence on procurement networks.

Nadimi told RFE/RL's Radio Farda that the naval restrictions had made it harder for Iran to obtain materials needed by its defense industries, particularly its missile program, from China.

But he said land transport, railways, and Caspian shipping through Russia could still carry some components and equipment.

Electronic components and equipment used in drone production, for example, could be transported overland or by smaller vessels, although in smaller quantities and at higher cost, he said.

"Nothing can replace maritime transport because of its enormous capacity," Nadimi said.

He cautioned that the task force's establishment did not necessarily mean the United States intended to use military force against vehicles or shipments suspected of carrying military supplies.

But he did not rule out the possibility of covert operations.

Nahid Jafarov, an Azerbaijani political expert and former diplomat, also says the task force's practical impact could be limited.

He said its main function would likely be to collect information, while its ability to translate that intelligence into action remained uncertain.

Jafarov suggested the initiative could also serve as a tool for Washington to pressure Tehran and strengthen its position in negotiations.

RFE/RL has contacted the US Treasury Department for comment.

The Caspian Complication

The Caspian Sea is one of the most difficult areas for Washington to target.

Iran shares the sea with Russia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. Unlike the Persian Gulf, the Caspian is enclosed by those five countries, leaving the United States without direct territorial access.

Azerbaijani political analyst Ahmad Alili, head of the Caucasus Political Analysis Center, said the Caspian has become an increasingly important transport corridor for Iran, carrying commercial goods, energy products, and raw materials.

The route has also been the subject of allegations that Russia and Iran use it to transfer military equipment, although such shipments remain difficult to independently verify.

Amir Chahaki, a Europe-based international affairs analyst, told Radio Farda that Washington could not effectively restrict Iran's northern supply routes without taking Moscow's position into account.

"It is inconceivable that ships traveling from Russia to Iran could be attacked or targeted by drones. That would mean a direct war with Russia," he said.

Chahaki said he expected the United States to focus instead on expanding sanctions against companies and logistics operators cooperating with Iran.

The importance of the Caspian Sea has grown as Iran and Russia have developed alternative trade and transport links to reduce their exposure to Western sanctions, including the International North-South Transport Corridor, a network of routes connecting the two countries through Azerbaijan, the Caspian, and Central Asia.

The number of active Russian- and Iranian-flagged vessels operating in the Caspian rose 21 percent year on year in August, according to Lloyd's List Intelligence.

But the increase in vessel numbers does not necessarily indicate a corresponding increase in military shipments.

The Caspian route also faces significant capacity constraints, including shallow waters, limited port infrastructure, and rail bottlenecks.

Neighbors Have Their Own Interests

The United States would also need cooperation from countries along Iran's land borders, but their economic and political relationships with Tehran vary considerably.

Iraq, one of Iran's largest cross-border trading partners, has so far refused a US request to close all but two of its border crossings with Iran, according to Iraqi officials cited by Ynetnews.

Baghdad has temporarily closed only one or two crossings as a gesture.

Iraq also depends on Iran for more than a third of its natural gas supply, and officials in Baghdad fear unrest among smuggling networks and militias along the roughly 1,600-kilometer border, Ynetnews reported.

Pakistan, which shares a roughly 900-kilometer border with Iran, has taken measures to reduce bilateral trade but also has reasons to maintain ties.

On October 16, Pakistan's Commerce Ministry withdrew an October 3 extension of a temporary waiver of the Electronic Import Form (EIF) requirement for imports from Iran. The EIF is a banking document used to record imports and their payment through banks.

On October 17, Pakistan suspended commercial trade through two key crossings with Iran, leaving about 2,000 trucks stranded on both sides of the border, according to the Quetta Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

But a Pakistani official told RFE/RL on condition of anonymity that trade between the two countries continued unofficially despite the waiver's withdrawal. The official said traders continued importing Iranian liquefied petroleum gas and other goods through informal arrangements.

RFE/RL could not independently verify the official's account.

The episode suggests that changes in import documentation do not necessarily eliminate cross-border commercial networks, and that local traders and consumers have strong economic incentives to keep trade moving.

US Seeks To Disrupt Iran's Supply Networks Beyond Naval Blockade

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