How Orbán misread Hungary: inside the campaign collapse that handed Tisza a two‑thirds victory (60 days post-election)

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By Zoltan Szalay,
Budapest
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Sixty days after Hungary’s election, the new Tisza government has launched an ambitious anti-corruption programme aimed at unlocking EU funds and exposing hidden wealth, while the defeated Fidesz movement struggles to come to terms with an unexpected loss. Simultaneously, battles over state institutions and allegations of political retaliation continue to deepen the country’s political divisions. 

Our weekly digest of Hungarian politics continues, as we report on developments after April’s historic election and the early days of the Tisza government. This week we cover the following topics: 

  1. The Tisza government launches a major anti-corruption operation.
  2. The effort to remove president Tamás Sulyok stalls.
  3. Charges are brought against the head of the anti-corruption authority.
  4. An inside look at the failure of the Fidesz campaign.

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The Tisza government launches a major anti-corruption operation

The Tisza government has described the legislative package submitted to parliament on Tuesday (9 June) evening as historic. The measures are designed to unlock European Union funding that had previously been frozen, making this the reform package needed to restore access to those resources.

Including its explanatory notes, the package runs to 109 pages and introduces a range of changes that could open a new chapter in the fight against corruption. Many of the amendments are intended to dismantle the mechanisms that enabled concealed and corrupt wealth accumulation. These are among the so-called “super milestones”, 27 conditions (mostly anti-corruption and rule-of-law reforms) set by the European Commission that successive Orbán governments failed to meet.  

According to prime minister Péter Magyar, the government plans to introduce stricter rules in several areas than those originally required by the European Commission.

The main areas covered by the reform are:

  • changing the rules governing asset declarations;
  • strengthening the powers of the Integrity Authority;
  • reforming public procurement regulations;
  • tightening anti-money laundering rules;
  • abolishing some public-interest asset management foundations.

True scale of Orbán family wealth could come to light

For years, the way politicians’ asset declarations were handled had become a subject of ridicule in Hungary. The clearest example was Viktor Orbán, whose official declarations suggested he possessed almost no personal wealth. According to the declaration he submitted on 9 May, he owned two properties and had savings of 9.127 million forints (around €25,000) in a joint account with his wife, despite earning more than 7 million forints (around €19,000) a month as prime minister.

Under the new rules, politicians will have to provide more detailed information about both their assets and the origin of their wealth. Leaders of state-funded political parties, along with family members living in the same household, will also be required to file declarations. Orbán will therefore no longer be exempt from the obligation, even though he did not take up his parliamentary mandate. Failure to comply could result in a one-year prison sentence, while omitting significant information or making false declarations could carry a sentence of up to two years.

The Integrity Authority, which investigates corruption cases, will be able to launch detailed inquiries and may even initiate proceedings to remove office holders from their posts.

Public procurement rules were also notoriously weak during the Orbán era, helping Fidesz-linked business empires secure dominant positions in state contracts. The Tisza government would introduce the category of a “transparent economic actor”, meaning only companies with publicly identifiable ownership structures could compete for public tenders.

This is closely linked to anti-money laundering measures. The government also plans to act against private equity funds into which oligarchs associated with Orbán allegedly moved enormous fortunes – likely amounting to several billion euros – while concealing their true ownership. As the Hungarian news outlet 444 has reported, several provisions in the package would make the owners of these funds identifiable.

Taking away Fidesz’s favourite toys

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Author Bio

Zoltan Szalay is editor-in-chief of Napunk, a Bratislava-based hungarian-language news site that is part of Dennik N group. He studied law at Comenius University in Bratislava and worked in public administration as a lawyer. He later became editor-in-chief of Irodalmi Szemle and Új Szó. An author of several short story collections and novels, he has been on the staff of Denník N since 2019.

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